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Argumentative Essay on Mao Zedong

Mao Zedong Argumentative Essay

The intention of this thesis is filling the shortage in studies of Mao Zedong’s rhetoric. This thesis concentrates more on Mao’s oratory in the Yanan period which is between 1936 and 1947. This period was essential in the olden times of the revolution of Chinese communism headed by Mao Zedong. It is in this period that Mao formulated his major writings, and from his work, there emerged the phrase Maoism. This was the paradigm for the Chinese collective rebellion and political actions. It was created and significantly expressed during the Yanan era. Mao’s master piece for the Chinese collective rebellion was noticeable in the following three arguments; portraying an idealistic utopia to represent the collective cause, bringing sanity to Marxism, and disapproving academicians.  The blow and effects of Mao’s oratory in the Yanan era are comprehensive and intense. It provided a great assistance for Mao to gain his reputation position in the philosophical field and to merge his headship within the Chinese collective party. It also came up again in the 1949 to enhance his position as a divine being and helped in his later campaigns. This paper uses rhetorical ideologies to assess and criticize Mao’s Yanan oratory. It also tries to define the Chinese oratorical tradition, on which Mao’s rhetoric is formulated, from the view points of language, semantic and civilization. This research unveils the broadness (conspicuous resemblance flanked by the Chinese and the Western rhetorical civilization) and the exceptionality of the Chinese language (since oratory is culture-specific). The research wraps up that there is a wealthy Chinese oratorical background, much wealthier and more inclusive than what the contemporary academicians put forward (Carter 36).


Maoism which is officially recognized as Mao Zedong idea is a political hypothesis generated from the lessons learnt from of the Chinese political leader Mao Zedong (1893-1976). Its supporters, who are recognized as Maoists, regard it as an anti-revisionist kind of Marxists Leninism. This group was formulated between 1950s and 1960s, and was useful in a big way as a political and military steer heading principle of the Communist Party of China (CPC).

The Maoism ideology considers poor farmers, instead of the working class, as the main radical force which is capable of changing the market society to communism.  Drawing from the phrase, that political supremacy comes from the barrel of a gun; Maoist movement entirely refer to Mao’s philosophy  of the people’s war, mobilizing the greater part of the rural populace to rebel against the organization that were reputable  by engaging in a revolutionary warfare. Maoism considered the industrial-rural divide as the main division used by the market economy, recognizing free market as associating industrial urban developed societies dominating over the developing societies. Maoism specifically spots peasant rebellion in a national context as part of the worldwide rebellion, in which Maoism views that the rural areas across the globe will overwhelm the cities. As a result of this imperialism by the free market developed countries towards the under-developed/developing countries, Maoism has approved national freedom movements in the developing countries (Dikötter 127).

Even though, Maoism is vital to urban industrial free market powers, it considers urban industrialization as a requirement for economic expansion and development. It also considers collective restructuring of the rural areas, with the aim of attaining rural industrialization that will put an end to the distinction flanked by the urban areas and the rural areas.

Maoism can also pass on to the social equality that was witnessed during the period of Mao, as opposed to the free-market theory of Deng Xiaoping. The current Maoists in china criticize the social inequalities brought by what they consider as a free market and “revisionist” collective party. Maoism came to a halt in china when Deng Xiaoping began the reform and opening monetary policies that brought in market ideology, which argued against Mao’s efforts.

Recognizable Maoist movements and armed groups exist presently in different countries, specifically in the sections of the third world countries that are the poorest. An example of these movements includes; the shining path in Peru, the Naxalite insurgency in India, and the communist party of Nepal (Maoist).


Even though, time and again Maoism is described as advancement of Marxism/ Leninism, it is defined more by its philosophical and ideological exit from conventional Marxism than by its resemblance to the western version of contemporary collectiveness.  The source of Maoism evolves not only from the work of Marx but also from contemporary academicians from the background where Mao was brought up.


The current Chinese academician’s background is defined by two main concepts, iconoclasm and nationalism.


In the beginning of the twentieth century, a section of significant elites in china (i.e. landlords and bureaucrats), found themselves more and more cynical of the effectiveness and even ethical soundness of Confucianism. These cynical iconoclasts created a new section of the Chinese society, a contemporary intelligentsia, whose arrival heralded the commencement of the obliteration of the gentry as a social class in china. The come down of the last Chinese imperial kingdom in 1911 manifested the ultimate failure of the Confucian ethical order, and did much to ensure that Confucianism becomes identical with opinionated and social upkeep in the academician’s minds. The iconoclastic character of the Chinese academicians’ ideas in the first decade of the twentieth century was lent by the connection of conservatism and Confucianism (Halliday 5)

Chinese iconoclasm was brought out more clearly by Chen Duxin in the new culture movement which took place between 1915 and 1919. This movement was of the idea that the traditions and values should be assumed. The movement was headed by the New Youth; this periodical was printed by Chen Duxin and was significantly important on a young Mao Zedong whose first publication appeared on the magazines’ pages.


Together with iconoclasm, fundamental anti-imperialism conquered the Chinese academician tradition and slowly grew to be a violent national feeling. This affected Mao’s theory in a big way and was vital in taking on Marxism in the Chinese model. Crucial in interpreting Chinese nationalist responses of that time is the accord of Versailles signed in 1919. The accord brought up a wave of bitter  nationalist resentment in the Chinese academicians as lands officially given up to Germany in Shandong were, without discussion with the Chinese, moved to go to Japanese management instead of being returned to Chinese dominion. The negative reaction was catalyzed in the may 4th incident of 1919.  The demonstration started with three thousand students in Beijing who were showing their anger to the announcement of the Versailles accord concessions to Japan. This demonstration became violent when the protesters started attacking residential and offices of the ministers that were seen to be cooperating with the Japanese. The incident of the 4th of May and the demonstration that followed initiated the political awakening of the society which had been seen to be dormant for a long time (Halliday 6).

However, another international event would have a significant effect on not only Mao but also the Chinese academicians were the Bolshevik rebellion in 1917. Even though, the rebellion drew out interests among the Chinese academicians, collective rebellion in china was not viewed as a viable option until after the occurrence in may 4th 1919. From then, becoming a Marxist was a formula the Chinese academicians used to reject both traditions of the Chinese history and western domination of the contemporary Chinese.


Together with the Chinese academician tradition which dominated in his youthful times, it is evident that Mao’s personal theory, his thoughts and populist leanings, were primary to the creation and profile of Maoism. Mao’s political thought originated from his personal morals. One source is commentaries to “a system of ethics “written by Friedrich Paulsen (1917-1918). Where he expressed “I do not conform to the view that to be ethical, the motive of one action has to be beneficial to others… morality should not be described in relation to others…” his political opinions were reliable with his individual principles and considerations.

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